After securing a win in the EU elections in June, Austria’s far-right Freedom Party (FPÖ) seized the opportunity to push for the appointment of an EU “remigration” commissioner, tasked with overseeing the forced return of migrants and individuals with a migration background to their countries of origin.
The response was markedly different from the uproar in Germany months earlier, when allegations surfaced that members of the far-right Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) had attended a meeting discussing remigration. In Germany, the news dominated headlines and spurred tens of thousands to protest in the streets.
Farid Hafez, a senior researcher at Georgetown University, pointed out the stark contrast. In Austria, “there was no outcry,” he said. “This is the normalisation of racism that the far right has achieved and that has become a very normal part of daily Austrian politics.” This sentiment will be put to the test as Austrians head to the polls for parliamentary elections on Sunday. Polls indicate that the FPÖ, with its anti-migrant and anti-Islam agenda, could emerge as the leading party for the first time in Austria’s postwar history.
A win for the FPÖ would be a significant milestone for the party, which first broke into Austria’s political mainstream in 2000, facing international backlash for its far-right stance. That year marked the most successful result for a far-right party in western Europe since World War II.
The FPÖ’s manifesto promotes the concept of remigration, pledging to curtail asylum grants, limit family reunification for those already in Austria, and promote a homogenous society.
While the FPÖ may not secure an outright majority, requiring coalition negotiations, its steady rise to power has left many Austrians concerned.
“The Freedom Party was founded by ex-Nazis for ex-Nazis,” explained Hafez, himself Austrian and part of Georgetown’s Bridge Initiative, which studies Islamophobia. “As a political scientist of color, it’s important not to underestimate how deeply rooted their ideology is in racism.”
Initially a fringe party, the FPÖ shifted its strategy in the 2000s, capitalizing on anti-Islam rhetoric to gain voter support by stoking fear.
This strategy’s success prompted the conservative Austrian People’s Party (ÖVP) to adopt similar stances, closing mosques and attempting to ban headscarves in schools. “Islamophobia has become so mainstream that it’s no longer confined to the far-right,” Hafez said.
Around 700,000 people in Austria, including both practicing Muslims and those with Muslim backgrounds, have felt the brunt of this discourse. “Muslims are not in a safe place,” Hafez emphasized.
Austria’s restrictive citizenship rules exacerbate the issue, leaving many Muslims without voting rights, making them easy targets with little political recourse, Hafez explained.
The Austrian NGO Zara, which works against racism, noted the “deeply felt” consequences of this political discourse, citing increased arson attacks on asylum centers and police violence.
“This rhetoric legitimizes hate speech, discrimination, and violence, often directed at women in hijabs, asylum seekers, and people of color,” Zara stated.
If the FPÖ leads the next government, Zara warned that the support systems for vulnerable communities could weaken, further eroding the safety net for those affected.
Bernhard Weidinger, a senior researcher at the Documentation Center of Austrian Resistance, explained that the FPÖ had long used migration as a lens to “ethnicize” every political debate, whether on crime, housing, or the job market, framing all issues as related to immigration.
This approach has deeply influenced public perception. “It’s interesting that the FPÖ does well in areas with few foreigners. People there don’t experience immigration firsthand but are influenced by what they read and hear,” Weidinger said.
Laurenz Ennser-Jedenastik, a political science professor at the University of Vienna, pointed out that the FPÖ’s long history and influence set it apart from other populist radical-right parties in Europe. Its involvement in two coalition governments has shaped Austrian immigration discourse more than most parties elsewhere.
Valerie Mussa of the Islamic Religious Community in Austria echoed the impact of this influence. “Anti-Muslim racism has become an everyday experience for many Muslims here,” she said, noting that it manifests in public spaces, schools, housing, and the labor market.
“It’s not just physical or verbal attacks or graffiti on mosques; it’s also institutional discrimination and increasing online hate,” Mussa added.
As a result, Mussa explained, many Muslims view the upcoming election with mixed emotions. “There’s hope for shaping the future of the country, but there’s also concern about the policies that may follow, the rights that could be cut. The future remains uncertain.”
