The European Commission, led by President Ursula von der Leyen, is creating a new intelligence body aimed at enhancing how the EU collects, analyzes, and utilizes information from national spy agencies — a step marking one of Brussels’ most ambitious security initiatives in recent decades.
A Step Toward Greater European Intelligence Coordination
According to officials familiar with the plan, the new intelligence unit will be established within the Commission’s Secretariat-General and will draw personnel from across the bloc’s national intelligence communities. The goal is to consolidate intelligence gathered by member states and improve the EU’s ability to respond collectively to emerging threats.
“EU member state spy services know a lot. The Commission knows a lot. We need a better way to put all that together and be effective and useful to partners,” one official told the Financial Times. “In intelligence, you need to give something to get something.”
The creation of the unit follows two major geopolitical wake-up calls: Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine and former U.S. President Donald Trump’s repeated warnings that Washington could scale back its security commitments to Europe. Both developments have pushed the EU to accelerate its defence integration and rearmament efforts, the most extensive since the Cold War.
Concerns Over Overlap and Member-State Resistance
The proposal has stirred internal resistance within Brussels, particularly from the European External Action Service (EEAS) — the EU’s diplomatic arm — which already oversees the Intelligence and Situation Centre (Intcen). Critics within the EEAS fear the new body could duplicate Intcen’s role and diminish its authority.
“The Commission is not going to start sending agents into the field,” a senior EU official clarified, suggesting the new unit will focus on coordination, analysis, and policy support rather than operational spying.
Despite these assurances, several EU capitals remain wary of expanding Brussels’ intelligence powers. Larger member states, notably France, have historically been cautious about sharing classified information, while the presence of pro-Russian governments in some countries — such as Hungary — has added further reluctance to share sensitive data at the EU level.
Von der Leyen’s Broader Security Agenda
The move forms part of von der Leyen’s wider push to strengthen the EU’s security apparatus. Recent steps include establishing a “security college” to brief commissioners on intelligence matters, creating funding mechanisms for Ukraine’s military support, and launching the Iris² satellite communications system to boost Europe’s strategic autonomy.
A Commission spokesperson confirmed that Brussels is “examining how to strengthen its security and intelligence capabilities,” with the creation of a dedicated cell under consideration. “The concept is being developed and discussions are ongoing. No specific timeline has been set,” the spokesperson said, emphasizing that any new structure would “build on existing expertise” and coordinate closely with the EEAS.
A Long Evolution of EU Intelligence Cooperation
Intelligence cooperation within the EU dates back to the September 11, 2001 attacks in the United States, which prompted France, Germany, Italy, the Netherlands, Spain, Sweden, and the UK to share classified assessments for the first time. This early collaboration gradually evolved into a formal structure that, by 2011, became institutionalized under the EU’s diplomatic service.
However, questions about effectiveness and coordination have persisted — particularly in light of Russia’s hybrid warfare tactics, cyber operations, and disinformation campaigns targeting European institutions.
Looking Ahead
While the exact form and authority of von der Leyen’s new intelligence unit remain under discussion, the initiative signals a significant shift in the EU’s approach to intelligence and security.
It underscores Brussels’ determination to reduce its reliance on U.S. intelligence and to establish a more autonomous European security framework capable of responding to global threats in real time — even amid skepticism from within its own ranks.
